MOZAMBIQUE CIVIL
WAR TACTICS
RENAMO strategies and operations
Having fought
the Portuguese using guerilla strategies, FRELIMO was now forced to defend
itself against the very same methods. It had to defend vast areas and hundreds
of locations, while RENAMO operated out of a few remote areas carrying out
raids against towns and important infrastructure. Furthermore, RENAMO
systematically forced civilians into its employment. This was done by mass
abduction, especially of children in order to use them as soldiers. It is
estimated that one third of RENAMO forces were child soldiers. But abducted
people also had to serve RENAMO in administrative or public service functions
in the areas it controlled. Another way of using civilians for military
purposes was the so-called system of "Gandira". This system
especially affected the rural population in areas controlled by RENAMO and
forced them to fulfill three main tasks: 1) produce food for RENAMO, 2)
transport goods and ammunition, 3) serve as female sex slaves.
Both sides
heavily relied on the use of land mines; FRELIMO as a means to defend important
infrastructure, RENAMO in order to terrify the populace, stall the economy and
destroy the civil services, mining roads, schools and health centres.
Thus, despite
of its far superior numbers, FRELIMO was unable to adequately defend any but
the most important cities. By the mid-1980s, FRELIMO had lost control of much
of the countryside. RENAMO was able to carry out raids virtually anywhere in
the country except for the major cities. Transportation had become a perilous
business. Even armed convoys were not safe from RENAMO attacks.
War crimes and crimes against humanity
RENAMO
systematically committed war crimes and crimes against humanity as part of its
destabilization strategy. These include mass killing, rape and mutilation of
non-combatants during terroristic raids on villages and towns, the use of child
soldiers and the employment of the Gandira system, based upon forced labour and
sexual violence. Often women would be apprehended while out in the fields, then
raped as a means to boost troop moral. Gandira caused widespread starvation
among the rural population due to the little time left to produce food for
themselves. This caused more and more persons to be bodily unable to endure the
long transportation marches demanded from them. Refusing to participate in
Gandira or falling behind on the marches resulted in severe beating and often
execution. Flight attempts were also punished harshly. One particularly
gruesome practice was the mutilation and killing of children left behind by
escaped parents.
RENAMO crimes
gained worldwide public attention when RENAMO soldiers butchered 424 civilians,
including the patients of a hospital, with guns and machetes during a raid on
the rural town of Homoine. This incident prompted an investigation into RENAMO
methods by US-State Department consultant Robert Gersony, which finally put an
end to right-wing ambitions for US-government support for RENAMO. The report
concluded that RENAMO's actions in Homoine did not significantly differ from
the tactics it normally employed in such raids. These methods are described in
the report in the following way:
"The attack stage was sometimes
reported to begin with what appeared to the inhabitants to be the
indiscriminate firing of automatic weapons by a substantial force of attacking
RENAMO combatants. […] Reportedly the Government soldiers aim their defensive
fire at the attackers, while the RENAMO forces shoot indiscriminately into the
village. In some cases refugees perceived that the attacking force had divided
into three detachments: one conducts the military attack; another enters houses
and removes valuables, mainly clothing, radios, food, pots and other
possessions; a third moves through the looted houses with pieces of burning
thatch setting fire to the houses in the village. There were several reports
that schools and health clinics are typical targets for destruction. The
destruction of the village as a viable entity appears to be the main objective
of such attacks. This type of attack causes several types of civilian
casualties. As is normal in guerrilla warfare, some civilians are killed in
crossfire between the two opposing forces, although this tends in the view of
the refugees to account for only a minority of the deaths. A larger number of
civilians in these attacks and other contexts were reported to be victims of
purposeful shooting deaths and executions, of axing, knifing, bayoneting,
burning to death, forced drowning and asphyxiation, and other forms of murder
where no meaningful resistance or defense is present. Eyewitness accounts
indicate that when civilians are killed in these indiscriminate attacks,
whether against defended or undefended villages, children, often together with mothers
and elderly people, are also killed. Varying numbers of civilian victims in
each attack were reported to be rounded up and abducted [...]. Thus it appears
the only difference between the Homoine massacre and RENAMO's usual methods was
the size of the operation. Normally RENAMO would choose smaller, easier targets
instead of attacking a town defended by some 90 government soldiers. The "Gersony Report"
submitted on April 1988, reported that refugees provided eyewitness or other credible
accounts about killings (from RENAMO) which included shooting executions,
knife/axe/bayonet killings, burning alive, beating to death, forced
asphyxiation, forced starvation, and random shooting at civilians in villages
during attacks.
RENAMO TACTICS
a. This force was formed to counter the FERLIMO government and
to disrupt the logistical flow of goods to neighboring Zimbabwe
b. People
are compelled to work long hours without pay on farms, to serve as porters on
forced marches without food, and to service the sexual needs of RENAMO warriors
In 1982, landlocked Zimbabwe directly intervened in the
civil war in order to secure its transport ways, stop cross-border RENAMO raids
and help its old ally FRELIMO.
War crimes and crimes against humanity
FRELIMO
soldiers also committed serious war crimes during the civil war. Much like
RENAMO, FRELIMO forced people in its employment. Living in the communal
villages was mandatory. However, in some areas cultural norms require
households to live at some distance from each other. Therefore many people
preferred living in the countryside despite the risk of RENAMO assaults. Thus people would often be forced into the
communal villages at gunpoint by FAM-soldiers or their Zimbabwean allies. As a
local recalls:
"I never wanted to leave my old
residence and come to the communal village. Even with the war, I wanted to stay
where I had my land and granaries. Ever since a long time ago, we never lived
with so many people together in the same place. Everyone must live in his own
yard. The Komeredes [Zimbabwean soldiers] came to my house and said that I
should leave my house and go to the communal village where there were a lot of
people. I tried to refuse and then they set fire to my house, my granaries, and
my fields. They threatened me with death and they told me and my family to go
forward. Inside the communal village we lived like pigs. It was like a yard for
pigs. We were so many people living close to each other. If someone slept with
his wife everyone could listen to what they were doing. When we went to the
fields or to the cemeteries to bury the dead, the soldiers had to come behind
and in front of us. When the women went to the river to wash themselves, the
soldiers had to go too and they usually saw our women naked. Everything was a complete
shame inside that corral. Usually to eat, we had to depend on humanitarian aid,
but we never knew when it would arrive. It was terrible; that is why many
people used to run away from the communal village to their old residences where
RENAMO soldiers were, although it was also terrible there.
Also, rape was a widespread practice among FRELIMO
soldiers. However, it was far less frequent and lacked the institutionalised
quality of sexual violence carried out by RENAMO. In comparison to RENAMO transgressions,
FRELIMO war crimes were by far less systematic, widespread and grave. I.e. the
refugees interviewed for the Gersony Report attributed 94% of the murders, 94%
of the abductions and 93% of the lootings to RENAMO. Despite the massive scale and organized manner
in which war crimes and crimes against humanity have been committed during the
Mozambican civil war, so far not one RENAMO or FRELIMO commander has appeared
before a war crimes tribunal of any sort. This is due to the unconditional
general amnesty law for the period form 1976-1992 passed by the parliament
(then
The Soviet
Union continued to support the new FRELIMO government against counterrevolution in the years after 1975. By
1981, there were 230 Soviet and 800 Cuban
military advisers still in the country. Cuba's involvement in
Mozambique was as part of a continuing effort to export the anti-imperialist
ideology of the Cuban Revolution and forge desperately needed
new allies. Cuba provided support to liberation movements and leftist governments
in numerous African countries, including Angola,
Ethiopia, Guinea-Bissau and Congo-Brazzaville.
FRELIMO TACTICS
a. hit-and-run attacks against RENANO outposts before rapidly
fading into accessible backwater areas.
Military stalemate
By the end of the
1980s neither side was able to win the war by military means. The military
pressure on RENAMO had not resulted in its defeat. While being incapable of
capturing any large cities, it was still able to terrorise the rural areas.
FRELIMO controlled the urban areas and the corridors, but was unable to protect
the countryside from RENAMO squadrons. Neither had its offensives been
successful in pinning down RENAMO and forcing it into a direct full-scale
4. Henriksen, Thomas H. Mozambique: A History. Southhampton, England. ThCamelot Press, 1978, pp. 171-188.
5. Isaacman, Allen, and Barbara Isaacman. MOZAMBIQUE: From Colonialism to Revolution, 1900-1982. Boulder, Colorado: Westview Press, 1983, pp. 1-107.
6. Lecocq, Randy. Changes in
Mozambique Since 1987. African Affairs Desk Officer, U.S. State Department.
Washington D.C., 1991, pp. 1-4.
7. MacFarquhar, Emily. "The
killing fields of Mozambique." U.S. News& World Report, 104 (2 May
1988), p. 45.
8. Maier, Karl. "Mozambique's
Leader Urges Rebels to Take Fight to Ballot Box." The Washington Post, 4
Nov 1990, Section C, p. 4.
11. Shchedrin, Vladimir., Major.
"USSR--Mozambique." Soviet Military Review, 8 (25 August 1986), p.
49.
Young, Lance S.
1991. Mozambique's Sixteen-Year Bloody Civil War. United States Air
Force
Davies Saina Kalepa, MCIPS MZIPS
Consultant – Procurement and Real Estates
DSCSC - ZAMBIA
2012
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